^^ 






[Reprint from Bibi,iotheca Si> jra, October, 1899.] 



ARTICLE VII. 

LETTERS OF JOHN McLEAN TO 
JOHN TEESDAEE. 

EDITED BY WILLIAM SALTER. 

[The Honorable John McLean was a member of Congress from Ohio, 
1813-16; Judge of the Supreme Court of Ohio, 1817-22; Postmaster-Gen- 
eral, 1823-30; Judge United States Supreme Court, 1830-61. In these of- 
fices his ability and integrity gave him eminence as a statesman, and won 
for him the support of many as a candidate for President, " because he 
would continue as a dispassionate and impartial judge in the Presiden- 
tial chair, in which only a statesman should be seated, to hold the scales 
of justice between the North and the South. "^ Among his supporters 
were James W. Grimes, of Iowa, in 1848, and Thaddeus Stevens, of 
Pennsj'lvania, and Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, in 1856. "Whether, if 
nominated and elected, McLean would have proved equal to the situa- 
tion, is a qviestion to which no answer can be given." ^ His own views 
upon the questions then at issue were freely communicated in letters to 
a confidential friend who was then an editor in Ohio. The}' throw light 
upon a dark time of American history. Their sentiments and elevated 
tone make them worthy of attention from those who would keep our 
country to the front among the nations in the moral order of the 
world.— W. S.] 

Cincinnati, 27 March^ 1846. 
I HAVE RECEIVED your friendly letter in regard to the 
future course of the Whig party. No one who has not 
been familiarized with the action of the Government at 
Washington can form any adequate idea how low it has 
fallen. I do not consider the office of chief magistrate as 
an object of honorable ambition except for the purpose of 
rescuing our institutions from their rapidly downward ten- 
dency, and placing them on the principles which consti- 

1 Constitutional and Political Hist., U. S., Von Hoist. 

2 Von Hoist. 






7i8 Letters of John McLean to John Tee sd ale. [Oct. 

tuted the basis of the Republican administrations of Jeffer- 
son, Madison, and Monroe. And I declare solemnly, as I 
have often done, that without having any pretension to 
the office, if it were offered to me I would reject it with 
disgust, unless it were conferred on such principles as 
would enable the administration to correct the fatal abuses 
which now exist. 

The arrangement to bring out General Scott, at Wash- 
ington, to which you refer, I have reason to believe had no 
foundation in fact. I was invited to the dinner party at 
which it was said to have taken place, but could not go. 
Whatever may have been said on the subject on that occa- 
sion, I presume, must have been said in jest to General 
Scott, who was present and probably took in earnest what 
in the merriment of the hour was said in jest. ]\Ir. Man- 
o-um, who was represented to be on that occasion the most 
active, has disclaimed the intention attributed to him ; and 
Webster, who was of the party, said a few days ago that 
under no circumstances could Massachusetts be induced to 
vote for Scott. 

It would be extraordinary if Mr. Clay's friends should 
again bring him before the country. One thing is certain, 
that without his consent they will make no such effort. 
Personally, I have no feeling in this matter. What little 
influence I could exercise was given to Mr. Clay in the last 
contest. I never voted against him, or for his opponent. 

No sane mind can suppose that the Locofoco party will 
have more than one candidate ?t the approaching contest. 
The distracted state in which the party now is, only re- 
quires a judicious course by the Whigs to insure an over- 
whelming defeat of that party. The people are tired of 
ultra-party struggles, and thousands of Locofocos see and 
admit that the Government must be overthrown, unless 
party violence and corruption shall be proscribed. If the 
Whigs sincerely desire to reform the Government, they 






•vc^ *\/,.V» 



1 899-] Letters of John McLean to John Teesdale. 719 

will look more to that object than to the individual through 
whose instrumentality it shall be accomplished. To mere- 
ly gain a victory by party organization will make no re- 
form. An administration by the Whigs that shall have no 
higher object than to reward its friends and punish its en- 
emies, instead of retrieving our affairs, will only hasten 
the ruin which awaits us. The Whigs as a party can 
never govern this country except on the highest principles. 
Four years out of twenty would be as much power as they 
can hope for on any system of demagogism. The Locofoco 
party will always succeed in controlling the lower and 
baser passions of our nature. To get pov;er and retain it, 
the Whigs must reach and rouse the moral tone of society, 
and bring it to bear upon the whole action of the Govern- 
ment. Demagogism must be put down. 

The caucus system as a means of creating and controll- 
ing public sentiment must be abandoned. Let the people 
do their own work without the aid of political managers. 
This should be the Whig bssis. The other side cannot 
take one step without a caucus. On this ground the Whigs 
can insure a victory more overwlielming than the one 
achieved by the name of General Harrison; and it will 
give a power to the new administration to do whatever the 
public interest requires. On this ground only, in my judg- 
ment, is the Presidential office desirable. 

You see that I write to you without restraint ; for, al- 
though I have not the pleasure of your personal accjuaint- 
ance, I know that you are deserving of high confidence. 
The journal you chiefly edit, as I learn from your letter, is 
conducted with great ability and tact, snd I have pleasure 
in giving you this opinion. 



Cincinnati, 9 July^ 1846. 
Your favor of the 4th inst. relates to a subject of great 
interest and of no little delicacy. The charge of Jackson- 



720 Letters ofJoJin McLean to JoJui Tcesdale. [Oct. 

ism rests upon no better basis than the following : I never 
knowingly or intentionally influenced an individual to sup- 
port or vote for General Jackson. I never voted a Jackson 
ticket. When General Jackson invited me to remain at 
Washington, I told him that I had not done anything to 
advance his election, but that, in the discharge of my offi- 
cial duties, I had been actuated by no other motive than 
to promote the public interests. He approved of my 
course; but it was found before his administration com- 
menced that I could not take one step with them. The 
bench was offered to me, and I accepted it. I censured 
the course of the administration, and was denounced from 
time to time by the Globe. Toward the close of Mr. Ad- 
ams's administration, I was denounced as favorable to the 
election of General Jackson, and, knowing that this was 
done with a view to my removal from office, I was too 
proud to offer a word of explanation. I stood upon my 
rights, and was ready to receive the blow. So much for 
my Jacksonism, 

No person in the Union desires more ardently than I do, 
the ascendancy of Whig principles generally. . . . Let the 
intelligence of the country be called into its service. Let 
men be appointed to ofiice, not because they are Whigs, 
but because they are best qualified to fill public appoint- 
ments ; and in a short time more Whigs will be engaged 
in the public service than could be advanced under any 
other rule of appointment. On this ground only can 
Whig principles be maintained, and the Government be 
brought back to the purity and energy of its original prin- 
ciples. If the chief magistracy were within my reach, I 
declare most solemnly and firmly that I would reject it on 
any other principles than these. If placed in so eminent 
a charge, I will reform the Government or fall in the at- 
tempt. To fall under such circumstances would be a 
higher and nobler destiny than to sustain myself upon the 



1 899-] Letters ofjolui McLean to John Teesdale. 721 

dishonorable, disgusting, and corrupting policy which has 
disgraced the country for so many years. 



Cincinnati, 26 September^ 1846. 

Among those who are acquainted with Mr. Schenck 
[Robert C] at Washington, his political opinions have lit- 
tle weight. Some suppose that he acts under the sanction 
of Corwin. Mr. Corwin professes to be a warm friend, but 
he has his fears that I may not be available. I do not 
charge him with duplicity, but he hesitates as to future re- 
sults. On such subjects he has little confidence in his own 
opinions. He never leads, and would like to follow one 
who is confident. Schenck by his impulsiveness, though 
a gentlemanly man, has always been a dead weight on his 
party. He was mainly instrumental in breaking up the 
Legislature some years since, which threw the Whigs into 
a minority in the State. 

' In regard to the Bank of the United States, it should be 
kept out of the ensuing contest. It can do no good, and 
may do much harm. I was a member of Congress when 
the charter of the late Bank of the United States was 
passed, and voted against it. INIy principal objection was 
that it authorized the holder of the scrip of the United 
States to subscribe it at par (of the last loan) when there 
was paid for one hundred dollars in scrip eighty dollars in 
depreciated paper, which was not worth more, I think, 
than fifty dollars in specie. The stock of the Bank was 
expected to appreciate, and it did appreciate twenty-five 
per cent in a short time. I considered that the holders of 
this scrip were not entitled to this bounty of the Govern- 
ment, that they should be permitted to subscribe it at the 
amount paid for it to the Government. This was the view 
which governed me, right or wrong. 

Mr. Madison considered the constitutional question of 
the Bank as settled by the repeated action of the legislat- 



722 Letters ofjolm McLean to John Teesdale. [Oct. 

ive, executive, and judicial branches of the Government. 
And this was the opinion of the Democratic party in Con- 
gress when the late Bank was chartered, with two or three 
exceptions. The question is undoubtedly settled as fully 
as it is possible to settle any question arising on the con- 
struction of the Constitution. I consider this bank ques- 
tion as the plaything of the demagogue ; and if the Whigs 
act wisely they will abstain from making issues which can- 
not advance their interests and will be made to operate 
against them. On this question twenty thousand votes 
may be lost, perhaps a greater number. It would injure 
the Whigs much in Pennsylvania. 

A tariff sufficient to meet the economical expenditures 
of the Government, so graduated as to encourage our own 
industry, I have for years believed was the proper policy. 
The truth is, that Andrew Stewart of Pennsylvania con- 
sulted me, and it was on my advice that he made his first 
speech last winter on the tariff. That speech did more in 
Pennsylvania than all the other speeches delivered in Con- 
gress ; and Stewart made this speech against the remon- 
strances of his Whig friends generally. 

I have been in favor of distributing the proceeds of the 
public lands among the States. I was among the first, if 
not the first, who broached that policy. But why should 
this be dragged into the contest? It will do mischief and 
not add a vote to the party. The South is generally op- 
posed to it. 

The veto power, I think, should be modified. I have 
never known the exercise of it to do good ; only evil re- 
sults from it. Perhaps a majority should pass the bill after 
considering the reasons of the President. 

As to the annexation of Texas, why inquire about that? 
Why not ask whether I was opposed to any other thing 
which is now beyond the reach of the Government? Texas 
is annexed, and we cannot change it. Then why shall 



i899'] Letters of John McLean to John Teesdale. 723 

the Whigs make this a point among themselves? It is 
known that the Southern Whigs were in favor of annex- 
ing Texas. The Whigs in Congress of North Carolina 
with some exceptions voted for it, and I believe all the 
Whigs of Georgia and Tennessee. There is not a Whig 
member from either of those States who does not know 
that I was opposed to the annexation of Texas ; but know- 
ing the honesty of my convictions, it produced no unfriend- 
ly feelings. The effect would be different with the peo- 
ple at large if my friends were to publish my views on the 
subject at this time. Corwin voted against the annexation 
at the last session, and by doing so he said in his late 
speech at Ridgeville that he had destroyed his popularity 
in the South. The compact having been made, the South 
considered that vote as more objectionable than a vote 
against the first proposition to annex. These things are 
not for future action ; why then drag them before the 
country at this time? As to the order for the army to 
leave Corpus Christi and invade Mexico, every one that I 
have conversed with knows that I have been utterly op- 
posed to it. The question is asked for no other purpose 
than to embarrass, and do mischief particularly to myself. 
I have no opinion that I am not ready to avow on any oc- 
casion that may be proper, but I shall not subject myself 
to be catechized by those who have no other than an un- 
friendly object. 

My opinions on all the leading questions of the day are 
the same now that they have ever been. When in office 
or out of it they have been openly avowed. Before I was 
of age to vote they were formed in the Jefferson school. 
In Congress until the close of the war, my votes show my 
opinions. I was an ardent and decided supporter of the 
war and of the administration. No man was more inti- 
mate with Colonel IMonroe than I was, or gave his admin- 
istration a more sincere and hearty support. Toward the 



724 Letio's of John MeLean to John Tccsdalc. [Oct. 

latter part of his second term I was Postmaster-General, 
and possessed not only his confidence, but his warm friend- 
ship. I continued Postmaster-General through Mr. Ad- 
ams's administration. In all things I gave to it that sup- 
port which I should wish a postmaster-general to give to 
me, if I were at the head of the Government. It is true, 
jealousies grew up during that period because I would not 
use my official influence in the contest. I stated to Mr. 
Adams, that, as Postmaster-General, I would have nothing 
to do in making him President, or General Jackson ; that 
I would devote my whole energies to serve the public. I 
never did an act with the view to advance the election of 
General Jackson ; no man now living or dead did I at- 
tempt to influence. Because I would not enter into the 
contest, I was denounced as a Jackson man by one or two 
papers friendly to the administration. Knowing the ob- 
ject was to remove me from office, I stood upon my avowed 
principles, but I scorned the imputation, and would not, 
and did not, say one word in explanation. 

To General Jackson I said, on his sending for me when 
he was about organizing his cabinet, " Before you make 
any proposition to me, I wish to remark, that you may 
perhaps be under an impression, from charges made against 
me in certain papers, that I have promoted your election ; 
I wish you to know that I have done no such thing. If I 
had done so, under the circumstances, I should consider 
myself as unworthy of your confidence; and I wish you 
distinctly to understand that what I have done I shall con- 
tinue to do. I will not swerve from my principles a hair's- 
breadth." 

I could not, and did not, take one step with the admin- 
istration. The bench was proffered to me, and I accepted 
it. I do not recollect that I approved of any measure of 
Jackson's administration that was a topic of general discus- 
sion. I was denounced in the administration papers often, 



i899-] Letter's ofJoJni McLean to John Teesdale. 725 

and General Jackson became very hostile to me. I did 
General Jackson justice in conversation when I thought he 
was unjustly assailed. I did the same thing to Mr. Adams. 
General Jackson offered me my choice of either the War 
or Navy department, which I declined. 

In 1831, I declined a nomination for the Presidency 
proposed to be made by the Anti-Masonic party at Balti- 
more. Mr. Wirt was nominated. Notwithstanding I pos- 
itively declined in three or four letters to the members of 
the convention, nearly half the convention cast their votes 
for me ; Governor Seward, John C. Spencer, and Thurlow 
Weed were members of that convention. 

In 1835, every Whig member of the Ohio Legislature, 
with the exception of one, named me for the Presidency. 
I withdrew my name for the reason that two or three 
others on the same side seemed determined to remain in the 
field. From the first I said to my friends. If the issue be 
made between Mr. Van Buren and myself, I have no fears as 
to the result, but I will not stand if the party shall be divided. 

A letter lately received from Governor Seward says: 
"Rely upon it. New York will be Whig in 1848"; and he 
speaks in unequivocal terms in reference to the successful 
use of my name. From Mississippi the most friendly as- 
surances are given with a strong hope of success. In fact 
from every quarter friendly reports are received, with the 
exception of papers attached by relationship and close as- 
sociations with my friend Corwin. Many prominent Lo- 
cofocos profess themselves ready to act. The prospect of 
the party is as good as can be desired. But this may be 
changed by a few impulsive and selfish, politicians who 
care more for themselves than the country. I am fully 
aware that, having been withdrawn from politics since I 
left the office of Postmaster-General, the young and ardent 
stump men of the State have little knowledge of me, and 
may be hostile, should they prefer another. 



726 Letters of John McLean to John Teesdale. [Oct. 

The office of chief magistrate is now not worthy of an 
honorable ambition except thoroughly to reform the Gov- 
ernment, and this can never be accomplished until the 
moral tone of the people be brought to bear upon political 
action. 



Washington, ii December^ 1846. 
I had a conversation with Gales last evening, and I find 
that he has become alarmed at the misguided ultraism of 
some of the Whigs. Should they give a direction to the 
party, the present Whig ascendancy will be destroyed even 
more rapidly than the Harrison majority. Mr. Schenck, 
I am told, is very active in declaring to the members of 
the House of Representatives that under no circumstances 
can I carry Ohio, if nominated. Now if he is the Whig 
party, or the exponent of the Whig party, it may be so. 
But my impression is that I could bring to the Whigs 
twenty thousand more votes than any other person. Not 
that the ultra Whigs will not prefer anybody rather than 
me, but they would vote right in the event of a nomina- 
tion, and the conservative vote of the other party and the 
Liberty party would make up the above number. Whilst 
I would not cross the street for the office, and would not 
accept it on any other than the highest principles, I con- 
fess that the course taken by a few produces some excite- 
ment. Aside from that, I would say to my friends. Throw 
me aside and concentrate upon any one else. I have no 
doubt that a strong movement in Ohio by the Legislature 
would be decisive not only as to Ohio, but as to the Un- 
ion. One of the most intelligent gentlemen from Michi- 
gan, who is not in Congress, told me this morning that a 
hearty cooperation of my friends in the other States would 
make my success certain in Michigan. This gentleman is 
a leader of the Democratic party and as prominent as any 
other in that State. I am aware that my position is deli- 



i899-] Letters oj Jolin McLean to John Teesdale. 727 

cate. The friends of Clay, Scott, Corwin, would feel an 
interest in prostrating me. It would not be judicious, 
therefore, to make an issue which shall excite them. You 
will soon know the feelings of the members. They should 
know the efforts that have been used, and the prospect in 
other States, and also that I do not seek the office, as I do 
not. If they are disposed to work out a reform, and put 
down Locofocoism, it cannot be done by such men as 
Schenck. 



Washington, 17 December^ 1846. 
Finding no other ground on which to assail me here, 
Schenck is busily circulating among the members that I 
voted for Van Buren in 1836. This is wholly false. I 
not only did not vote for Van Buren, but I never in my 
life voted an Anti-Whig ticket. Harrison was brought 
out by the friends of Mr. Clay. When my friends first 
used my name, I told them that, if the issue could be be- 
tween Mr. Van Buren and myself, I would consent; but, 
if more than one name should be brought out on the Whig 
side, I would decline, as I would not accept the office 
through the House of Representatives. Webster was a 
candidate in the North, Judge White in the South, and, 
Harrison being brought out, I declined, I may have said, 
as I now say, that Van Buren was better qualified to dis- 
charge the duties of chief magistrate than Harrison, but I 
never voted for Van Buren. My impression is that I was 
in Kentucky when the Presidential election took place in 
1836. My court commenced there in November, and the 
election was in that month. 



Washington, 22 December^ 1846. 
I had a long conversation with Mr, Mangum, the other 
day, who speaks with confidence as to the South. He 
says the States of North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, and 



72S Letters of John McLean to Jo /in Teesdale. [Oct. 

Tennessee were safe, and that the leading Senator from 
Mississippi informed him recently that the ticket would 
carrj' that State against any other name except that of 
John C. Calhoun. IMaryland is very unanimous, Pennsyl- 
vania is strongly inclined in the same direction, New Jer- 
sey stands well, and the prospect is flattering in New York. 
From several sources I have been informed that Greeley is 
friendly. In all New England, jNIr. Webster out of the 
way, there would be, it is said, little difficulty. This would 
seem like settling the matter. What changes may trans- 
pire no one can tell. I have been surprised to hear so 
many leading men speak with a fixed determination against 
bringing Air. Clay out again. A few desire to bring out 
Rough and Ready; and that, I think, ]\Ir. Clay's Ken- 
tucky friends look to, if their first choice shall be defeated. 
The impression is general that it is premature to agitate 
the subject. 

The administration is falling lower and lower, and it 
must soon become contemptible. 



Washington, 2 February, 1847. 
Aly friends here think everything is moving on as well 
as they could desire. The disposition to bring out Gen- 
eral Taylor seems to be measurably relinquished. I am 
not sure, however, that the attacks on him by the adminis- 
tration may not do mischief. Mr Corwin's strength lias 
not, to my knowledge, increased beyond Air. Schenck. 
Greeley is in the city, but I have not yet seen him. I 
shall not call upon him. At this point I was called to 
breakfast, and on my return found Air. Greeley waiting for 
me. We had a long and an agreeable conversation in gen- 
eral. Nothing was said in particular in relation to the 
ensuing contest. Upon the whole my friends here see 
everything to encourage them. I am pressed, indeed over- 
w'helmed, with the business of the court and other matters. 



1 899-] Lettei's of John McLean to John Teesdale. 729 

Washington, 6 February^ 1847. 
The movement you speak of surprises me. In this 
city, with the exception of Schenck, I am not aware that 
there is a single member of Congress for Corwin. They 
do not consider him as among the competitors for the 
Presidency. But this movement in Ohio may change 
things. The effort to elect Corwin will be in vain ; but if 
my friends in Ohio abandon me, I shall withdraw. I have 
not a doubt of success with an ordinary effort on their 
part. But to be deserted at home is mortifying. I shall 
await the result, and do nothing hastily. 



Cincinnati, 6 April, 1847. 

Of all the falsehoods which have been circulated against 
me, that of being favorable to the present war with Mexi- 
co is the most outrageous. I have never uttered a word or 
drawn a breath on this war which was not condemnatory. 
Never was a war undertaken, as I believe, for more unholy 
purposes. Had I been in Congress, I should have called 
for the return of the army to the Neuces ; and, in grant- 
ing the appropriation of ten millions and fifty thousand 
volunteers, I would have imposed a condition that the 
troops should not invade the ^Mexican territory. But the 
war was recognized by Congress. Without the slightest 
opposition, except the fourteen who voted against the war, 
these measures were passed, and the army invaded Mexico 
and achieved at ^Monterey a great victory. 

Under these circumstances, I think that the Whigs as a 
party cannot oppose the supplies to the army. We must 
oppose the acquisition of territory. That is the true 
ground. I would as soon sustain any other robbery as to 
rob those poor wretches of their homes. This ground if 
manfully sustained would give us peace. It was in conse- 
quence of my suggestion that ]Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, 
offered the first resolution in Congress against the acquisi- 



730 Letters of John McLean to JoJin Tcesdalc. [Oct. 

tion of territory. In the Senate, Judge Berrien copied sub- 
stantially this resolution ; afterwards Mr. Webster adopted, 
and finally every Whig, I believe, in both Houses voted 
for it. This expression will drive the administration to 
make a peace, to offer such terms as will be accepted by 
Mexico. I have reasons to believe that this has been done 
already. 

At the next session there will be a majority of Whigs 
in the House. They will be as much opposed to robbing 
the ]\Iexicans of their territory as the Whigs of the late 
House. What object is there then for the administration 
further to prosecute the war? No law can be passed 
which will sanction such an acquisition. And it would be 
hopeless to expect that two-thirds of the Senate could rat- 
ify a treaty which would give additional territory. 

Several of my warmest friends have taken the ground 
to withhold supplies. They have acted conscientiously, 
and with their views I would not say they have acted 
wrong. But if my judgment is worth anything, this can 
have no effect to bring the war to a close. Such a vote 
cuts off from us the Southern States. We sacrifice the 
Whigs of North Carolina, Georgia, and Tennessee. Such 
a position taken by the Whigs as a party overthrows all 
our hopes of reform and of a coming triumph. Indeed the 
measure would be suicidal. I have had some experience 
during the late war (1812-15), and I hesitate not to say, 
that, if we want to destroy ourselves as a party, we need 
only take this ground. And whilst it will destroy us, it 
can never bring the war to an end. My view is that the 
administration should be called on to offer terms to the 
Mexican government, asking no territory. No man breathes 
who detests this war more than I do. And I propose the 
only practicable mode of forcing the administration to 
make peace. This is the end w^e all aim at. And surely 
we all desire to secure a triumph to the Whig party. A 



1 899-] Letters of John McLean to John Teesdale. 731 

man must be blind to all the lights of experience who can 
hope to obtain a majority of votes in either House to with- 
hold supplies; then why is this issue urged? It can never 
be made available. It can only destroy us. Let those 
who take this ground maintain it ; and we should give 
them full credit for their honesty and patriotism ; but why 
may not the mass of the Whig party who think differently 
ask of them the same toleration? Why shall we quarrel 
about this? This our opponents desire. We all agree 
that the war must be ended. Let us end it by reaching 
the administration at the most effectual point. A con- 
trary course will distract and may ruin us. As wise men, 
as patriots, as Christians, we should take the ground most 
likely to remove from our country this terrible calamity. 
And when that is done, the authors of so much evil should 
be called to account. 

Does some principle of selfishness lurk at the bottom of 
this movement among our friends? Agreeing in the great 
point, why quarrel about the details? But if a contrary 
course from that I have indicated be taken, a Southern 
man will be found at our head. I say no more, as I have 
but a common lot with others. 



Cincinnati, 14 April ^ i847- 
The effort to bring out General Taylor has been a con- 
fined one, extending to several gentlemen whose names 
were mentioned for the Presidency, but who, despairing of 
success, were determined, as the next best step for them- 
selves, to elevate a man who would look to them for coun- 
sel and direction. The enthusiasm for . General Taylor 
seems to be strong, and great efforts are made to increase 
its strength. I had supposed that he had good sense 
enough to decline a consent to the use of his name, as his 
position as Major-General would place him on higher 
ground and one more congenial to his taste and qualifica- 



732 Letters of John McLean to John Teesdale. [Oct. 

tions. Perhaps the military fever will overcome the ob- 
jection to a Southern man and a large slaveholder. Some 
may suppose that to take a man from the army now for 
President may at the next election encourage the army on 
some pretext to make a President. But on this subject I 
shall acquiesce. Seeing the movements and dishonesty of 
politicians, my hope of reform such as will save our Gov- 
ernment becomes weaker. I trust in God that there will 
be a majority of Whigs in the next House of Representa- 
tives that will go against the acquisition of territory, which 
would place before the country the single issue of land 
plunder. Unless the military fever shall sweep over the 
country, I have no fears of the future. But this may give 
the ascendancy to the South and its peculiar interests. 



Cincinnati, 29 April, 1847. 

I have nothing to complain of my friends, but one hun- 
dred friends who remain passive may be overcome by a 
single vindictive and unprincipled enemy. Schenck, aid- 
ed by one or two other persons, has done more to injure 
me in Ohio by false rej)resentations than a hundred friends 
have counteracted. At Washington, where I am better 
known than in Ohio, the efforts of Schenck are harmless. 

By rallying upon Taylor, in all probability the Whig 
party will lay the foundation of its speedy overthrow. Ad- 
mit that he may be elected with a rush, the elements will 
be discordant, and neither Taylor nor any one likely to be 
associated with him can give consistency and harmony to 
the future action of the party. He is rallied upon by a 
set of politicians determined to give ascendancy to tlie 
South and to advance themselves. If we must have a mil- 
itary republic with the view of extending Southern inter- 
ests, I hope it may be under Taylor. As to Scott, there 
never was a more ridiculous thing proposed than to make 
him President. A vain, pompous, empty-pated man, who 



i899-] Letters of John McLean to John Teesdale. 733 

always makes himself ridiculous among sensible men. 

I see papers are coming out for Corwin in the northern 
part of the State. I may have been misled in supposing 
that I had friends there. Corwin was the first man that 
spoke to me on the subject of my becoming a candidate. 
Knowing him, I had not confidence in his sincerity, and I 
soon found that his professions of friendship were used to 
depress me. He was for Scott, and I shall expect to find 
him for Taylor. In short, he is for himself; and his in- 
struments are active. 

My impression has been that the military fever may sub- 
side, and the people may resume the exercise of reason. 
Before the military fever rose so high, my friends at Wash- 
ington often said, if it were not for the opposition in Ohio, 
there would be a general concurrence among the Whigs, 
so as to supersede a national convention. But my Ohio 
friends seem to yield to the efforts of a few unscrupulous 
and selfish individuals. 



Cincinnati, 21 August^ i847- 
A letter I received yesterday gives an account of move- 
ments in New York more favorable to Taylor than I had 
expected. The Whigs act as a flock of sheep, and it is 
probable they will be led by the South. A short time will 
indicate the course of coming events. My situation on the 
bench ties my hands, so that I can do nothing but talk 
with a very few friends. 

23 September^ 1847. — I have been overwhelmed day and 
night with the labor of my third volume of Reports. This 
is the first moment I have been relieved from the work. 



Washington, ii January^ 1848. 
Ohio might have controlled the election of chief magis- 
trate, had she been united, but the time has passed, and 



734 Letters of John McLean to John Teesdale. [Oct. 

she has only to follow other States, instead of being at 
their head, as she might have been. 

25 January^ 1848. — Unless I am greatly deceived, the 
military fever is fast subsiding. This may be, in a con- 
siderable degree, attributable to ]\Ir. Clay's movement. He 
is still here. We have had a friendly interview. I can- 
not speak particularly on the subject, but I do not believe 
that ]\Ir. Clay is desirous that his name should be used, 
unless under circumstances that shall insure success. His 
friends will act judiciously, and not permit their attach- 
ment to him to blind them from facts. If they shall advise 
him to run, it will be under a conviction that he will succeed. 

Doctor Bailey, in the Era^ has fully indorsed my views 
in regard to the power of Congress over slavery. Gid- 
dings and, I believe, all the anti-slavery men in Congress 
will do the same. 



Washington, i February^ 1848. 

]\Ir. Clay's presence here has abated the military fever ; 
yet it may be again raised. If the non-slaveholding States 
shall remain firm, they may control the result. So far as 
I know, the friends of Mr. Clay here entertain no feelings 
of hostility to myself, and, should he withdraw, they will 
not go to Taylor. I have twice had very free and full con- 
versations with ]\Ir. Clay, and I am quite sure that he will 
not consent to the use of his name unless there shall be 
the highest assurance of success. And I do not believe 
that he will in this respect be as easily misled as he has 
heretofore been. 

15 Fcb7'iia7y^ 1848. — A union of Ohio on myself would 
still control the result. Biit if Ohio shall be divided, 
there will be little or no prospect. If Ohio were united, 
the non-slaveholding States would wheel into line as soon 
as Mr. Clay shall withdraw, which seems to be generally 
anticipated. 



1 899-] Letters of John AfcLean to John Teesdale. 735 

I March, 1848. — Corwin's friends have become the sup- 
porters of Mr. Clay under the hope that a conflict will be 
brought about bet-ween his friends and mine in Ohio, 
which shall induce the friends of Clay to rally upon Cor- 
win, should Clay decline. Now this conflict of friends 
must be avoided. Schenck is at the bottom of this. The 
clique are desperate, and I fear that they will have a con- 
test. There must be none, however, between Clay's 
friends and mine. }.Iy position has been taken, and was 
taken at the first, that if Mr. Clay's friends can come to 
the conclusion that he can be elected, I shall not be in the 
way. All my friends know that the office is not an object 
of solicitude with me, and that I do not desire it except 
under circumstances which shall lead to a thorough reform 
of the Government. And if ^Ir. Clay can be elected I 
shall be content and gratified. In the event of his declin- 
ing, I am told his friends will unite with mine. 



IXDiAX-\POLiS, 19 May, 1848. 
Schenck reports that Ohio and New York are in a blaze 
for Scott The object of my adversaries is to break me 
down in Ohio, and thereby promote their own selfish mo 
tives. In this State the people are united, and their dele- 
gation will present at the convention an unbroken front. 
If Ohio would do the same, the result would not be doubt- 
ful. I do not believe, if nominated, that Scott can carry 
the State. The Liberty part^• will not support him, and 
there are many thousands of our best WTiigs who will not 
vote for him. The Quakers will not consider an indi\"id- 
ual whose merit consists, and qualifications for the Presi- 
dency, in his ha\'ing fought well, and slain in a miserable 
war manv thousands of his fellow-creatures. 



Detroit, 24 Ju>u\ 1S4S. 
Early in May I left home for my circuit, and since then 



736 Letters of John McLean to Johti Teesdale. [Oct. 

have been laboriously engaged, night and day, in the per- 
formance of my judicial duties. My enemies have tri- 
umphed, but they have gained nothing for the country or 
for Ohio. The result has not in the least affected my equa- 
nimity. You must not suffer yourself to be depressed. 
You shall not want a friend whilst I shall live. 



Washington, 10 December^ 1848. 

General Taylor, I have no doubt, will act under the best 
motives, and by the advice of those he shall deem most 
worthy of his confidence. But he may have a less tran- 
quil time than may be expected. The experiment is yet 
to be tried as to the success of an administration which 
must be controlled by the heads of departments. If these 
offices shall not be filled judiciously, there will be trouble. 
General Jackson was chiefly influenced by his friends ; but 
the impression was, generally, that he dictated the course 
of his administration. This, I think, will not be the case 
with General Taylor. We must hope for the best, and I 
shall rejoice if he shall succeed beyond the expectations of 
his most ardent friends. He will have to meet the Wil- 
mot proviso, and in sanctioning or vetoing it must give 
great offense to his friends either south or north of Alason 
and Dixon's line. 

Ohio richly deserves her fate. A more unprincipled set 
of political jugglers never lived than was found in Ohio. 
Looked to as the leading Whig State, she might have led 
the Union, but she was sacrificed from selfish and personal 
considerations. And the very men who contributed to her 
debasement (the vote of Ohio went for the Democratic can- 
didate, Lewis Cass) have been eulogized more than others 
for their efforts to sustain the Whig cause. At an early 
stage of the contest it seemed difficult to get a candidate 
who was Whig enough, and at last these very men rallied 



1 899-] Letters o/JoIdi McLean to John Teesdale. 737 

on a man who said he would not be the candidate of any 
party or represent the principles of any party. 

I did not approve of the candidate brought out by the 
Western Reserve, but I believe the Whigs of that part of 
Ohio showed a higher devotion to principle than the Whigs 
of any other part of the State. Unscrupulous as Schenck 
has been, he acknowledges that, in taking the course he 
did, he abandoned the Whig ground. I have no doubt 
that many of the Whig leaders would agree to the exten- 
sion of slavery, if in doing so they could sustain themselves. 
But badly as I think of many of the Whigs, there is no 
hope for the country which does not rest upon the Whig 
party. And I should deeply regret to see the free-soil 
Whigs amalgamate with the Locofoco party. Without 
conciliation, the Whig party of Ohio is doomed to become 
a small party. They have been somewhat abusive of the 
free-soil Whigs who, I admit, have been equally violent. 
I hope a better feeling may be restored, and that on the 
free-soil ground a party may be rallied, having the Whigs 
for its basis, which shall carry three-fourths of the votes of 
Ohio and of all the free States. 



Cincinnati, 2 NovembeT-^ i855- 
The pressure of the business of my court is such that I 
have not a moment's leisure. I have regretted to see the 
course taken by Judge Kane. Next winter a case will be 
before the court, which involves the right of a slaveholder 
to bring his slaves into a free State for any purpose whatever. 
I voted for Chase under protest. Our personal relations 
have always been friendly, but I have been opposed to his 
ultraism and to the means used for his own advancement. 
Statesmanship seems now to consist in arraying one part 
of the Union against the other in order to carry an elec- 
tion. This will soon ruin our Government. The ultra 
men are unwilling to plant themselves on the Constitu- 



738 Letters of John McLean to John Teesdale. [Oct. 

tion. The Supreme Court has decided that slavery exists 
by virtue of the municipal law, and is local. The Consti- 
tution gives Congress no power to institute slavery ; then 
there can be no slavery in the Territories ; for there is no 
power but Congress which can legislate for the Territories. 
Squatter-sovereignty is not a part of our Government. 

When a people of a Territory come to form a State gov- 
ernment, they have a right to say whether the State shall 
be a free or a slave State. And there is no more danger 
of a free Territory becoming a slave State than there is of 
a free State becoming a slave State. It is a question 
which belongs to the people of a State, and there is no 
danger in leaving a Territory open to be populated by the 
people of the Union. More than five will settle in it from the 
free States where one settler will come from the slave States. 

As to the frauds of Missouri, they do not belong to our 
system, and they should be rebuked and punished by the 
national power, the Territory being under the protection 
of the Union and the power of Congress. 

Our Government has been so corrupt that I have doubts 
now whether there is virtue enough in the country to re- 
form the Government. All I have predicted in regard to 
this has been realized, and unless the demagogues who 
have ruled us for years can be put down, and the Govern- 
ment brought back upon its old foundations, it must come 
to an end, even sooner than I apprehended. You may as 
well build a castle in the air as to sustain a free govern- 
ment without a moral basis. 

In regard to the other matter referred to in your letter, 
I have not thought of it. One thing is certain that if I 
could reach the office by every vote in the Union I would 
refuse it, unless it could be conferred on such principles 
as would lead to a thorough reformation. This I doubt is 
now out of the question. All the politicians are against 
me, and have been, as they have good reason to believe 



/ 
>] Letters of John McLean to John Tees dale. 739 

change would be of little or no service to them. I can 

) in truth that I do not desire the office. This hasty 

note I write to you in confidence. It is better that my 

opinions should only find their way to the public from the 

bench. 

We have fifty-four of a majority from the free States in 
the House of Representatives. Is it not a shame that this 
majority cannot protect our rights? My opinion is that 
our efforts should be directed to reform ourselves in send- 
ing to Congfress instable men. 



a 

-J 



Cincinnati, 8 March, 1856. 
I thank you for your very kind letter. Feeling no de- 
sire to change my position, I shall remain passive and 
await popular action. Knowing the manoeuvers of politi- 
cians, I am sure we are to witness again, as we have for 
^years past, that the demagogues are to control the people 
hrough the instrumentality of a convention. Look at the 
results of the late one in Philadelphia (Native American). 
A few Southern men undertook to divide the North, to 
secure a Southern victory. And yet Northern men are led 
by such means. Bluster is more successful than good 
sense. Popular government is a curse rather than a bless- 
ing, when wielded by selfish and corrupt men. 



Minnesota, Lake Pepin, 3 September, 1859- 
In regard to the ensuing election for President, I have 
given myself no other concern than to state, when occa- 
sion required, that this Government could not, unless re- 
formed, continue twenty years. A torrent of corruption, 
wide and deep, lias overspread the country, and must ruin 
it, unless speedily arrested. The convention at Philadel- 
phia (1856) had the game in their own hands. They 
knew that Mr. Buchanan could be beaten in Pennsylvania, 
and that would have ended the controversy. But the bar- 



740 Letter, oj John ^^^^^^ •• L 




g:ain had been made by lilil llllllllli"!''""^^^^^ ^?rem< 

^ x;. , ^- 1 002 366 384 3 ^ 
a man not fit to discnar "" ^^ . ^^ an auaitor, i 

they determined that the spoils should be secured by them. 
Not a man in the South who did not know what the re- 
sult would be on the above issue; and yet the North, in- 
curred the risk of defeat rather than give up the spoils sys- 
tem. Every one of Pierce's cabinet admitted they could 
be beaten, especially Marcy, their ablest man. The late 
Speaker of the House, Orr, said to me just after the elec- 
tion, "If you had been brought before the country, you 
would have smashed us up." I observed to him that I 
would have done another thing, and that is, I would have 
taught the South how to behave itself. He laughed and 
observed, "Perhaps you would." So far as I know, the 
fact is now generally admitted, but Fremont was nominat- 
ed. To elect him, one of the managers said to a friend of 
mine, "A half million of dollars may be had to insure his 
election." 

Now can any honest man trust such a body as that? I 
have said to no man that I should consent to the use of 
my name; but my friends have requested me to keep the 
subject open until the next Congress. General Cameron, a 
trading politician, has entered into an arrangement with 
Seward, and has engaged to transfer Pennsylvania. It is 
generally thought that a man of such known predilections 
and contracted qualities will not be able to carry out this 
arrangement. The result will be known by the next ses- 
sion of Congress. Upon the whole my friends think that 
nothing is lost by delay in this matter. 

In regard to Chase, he is the most unprincipled man po- 
litically that I have ever known. He is selfish, beyond 
any other man. And I know from the bargain he has 
made in being elected to the Senate, he is ready to make 
any bargain to promote his interest. I know him well. I 
speak positively, because I know what I say. 



I 



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